This thesis examines the barriers to employment for people with disabilities in the province of Nova Scotia from the perspectives of service providers and individuals with disabilities. In response to the Federal report “Rethinking disAbility in the Private Sector,” this thesis uses the researcher’s involvement in an annual Inclusive Education and Employment Symposium to explore the barriers that are present within the political and economic system that limits the opportunities for employment for people with disabilities. From focus group data with Symposium organizers and conversations with Symposium participants with disabilities, I have examined five key issues that were found to be systematic barriers to employment for individuals with disabilities. These are employers’ attitudes, financial barriers and disincentives, lack of community and government participation, individual insecurities because of lack of qualifications and experience as well as continued discouragement, and lack of knowledge about available programs and services. Recommendations for improvement are presented at the end as potential ways to combat these concerns.
Overcoming Poverty Together: The New†Brunswick Economic and Social Inclusion Plan, 2014-2019, builds on the momentum of New†Brunswickís initial economic and social inclusion plan launched in 2009. It serves as a roadmap for the province to move towards economic and social inclusion for all. The plan is based on information gathered during the Overcoming Poverty Together 2 (OPT2) public engagement. This process provided an opportunity for New†Brunswickers to come together to discuss issues surrounding economic and social inclusion. These discussions led to a five-year action plan for the province to pursue. It is not a ìhow toî plan but, rather, a ìwhat can be done collectivelyî plan to reduce poverty and improve the quality of life for all people living in our province. This is what gives the plan its uniqueness.
Federal older worker programs are attracting attention due to the growing number of older workers across the world. They are uniquely situated to provide out-of-market work opportunities to older job seekers, who often find their age a barrier to securing desirable jobs. In 2004, the Korean government established its own program, the Korean Senior Employment Program (KSEP); however, literature for international readers on this innovative program is lacking. Thus, this article aims to provide an in-depth description of KSEP and a brief comparison between the Senior Community Service Employment Program in the U.S. and KSEP. The unique characteristics of KSEP include having the dual program foci on supplemental income and social participation; expanding work opportunities in the private sector beyond community-based jobs; accepting participants who are financially disadvantaged as well as those with a high desire for social participation regardless of their income; and broadening work opportunities for those with professional skills beyond repetitive, simple, and temporary jobs. This article may offer helpful insights to older worker advocates from various countries in creating or modifying their programs.
Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to provide a synthesis of current and previous government policies and strategies, in relation to people with learning disabilities and employment, to facilitate a better understanding of the current situation and future challenges.
– A search was completed to identify government policies relating to the employment of people with learning disabilities. Key policies were identified and their impact was discussed in the paper.
– It appears there is a necessity to identify how successful pilot projects can be replicated on a national scale, with clear targets and measures and initial financial support to set up these services. Alongside this there is a need for interventions targeting not just employers, but the general population, educating people about the importance of including and valuing people with learning disabilities in the workforce.
– It is important that policy is analyzed and the impact of it is assessed to determine whether more action is necessary. This paper adds updates to some of the issues discussed in Melling et al.’s (2011) paper about “Supported employment for people with learning disabilities”.
The purpose of this study is to undertake a broad synthesis and analysis that critically examines federal, provincial, sub-provincial and international instruments, policies, and practices aimed at fostering the inclusion of homeless persons through:• Employment related activities that increase labour market attachment and integration;
• Opportunities for skills development; and
• Higher literacy and essential skills achievement via effective policy and program development strategies.
While the goal of the study is to examine Canadian policies and programs, experiences from other countries, notably the United States, England and Scotland, were reviewed to offer a broader perspective on the Canadian experience.
The next step in welfare to work policy must include addressing the needs of particular places and populations based on what has been learned since welfare reform legislation was enacted in 1996. One of the important lessons learned is that transitional jobs arean especially promising policy response to the needs of hard-pressed urban and rural communities, and unemployed people facing barriers to work. Transitional jobs are wage paying, community service jobs for welfare recipients and other unemployed adults who have not been hired after a job search in the regular labor market. The jobs provide experience and employer references that improve chances of success in the job market and enable families to avoid destitution when welfare benefits end. While some policymakers have argued that working in a transitional job is no different from unpaid workfare, research shows that transitional job participants have better earnings and employment outcomes. Certainly, transitional jobs are more expensive because they include work supports, supervision and some training. The participants’ success, however, demonstrates the value of additional investment in targeted populations.
Why do Canadian mothers have lower incomes than women who have never had children? Microdata from the 1995 GSS allow examination of two hypotheses: 1. mothers have spent more time out of the labour force, thus acquiring less human capital; 2. higher levels of unpaid work lead to fatigue and0or scheduling difficulties. Measuring work history does little to account for the ‘family gap. ‘The estimated child penalty is reduced by allowing for ‘human capital depreciation’ and controlling for unpaid work hours, but the two hypotheses together cannot entirely explain the gap.
Ontario passed a very aggressive Pay Equity Act in 1988, and in 1996 Quebec passed a similar Pay Equity Act. We use synthetic- control methods to examine what has happened to the gender pay gap (female–male earnings ratio) in Ontario since 2005 and to see whether Quebec’s Pay Equity Act has had any effect on its pay gap. Ontario and Quebec are chosen simply because they are the provinces with the most comprehensive and “aggressive” pay equity laws. We also use synthetic-control methods to investigate whether these acts may have had an adverse effect on the female–male employment ratios in Ontario and Quebec. We find that Ontario’s act has had a negligible effect on that province’s gender pay gap and employment ratio. However, Quebec’s act appears to have reduced the gender pay gap, although at a cost of a some- what smaller employment ratio for women in that province
The past decade has seen a steady increase in the number of older Canadians participating in the workforce, especially since mandatory retirement was formally repealed as recently as 2011. In 2001, approximately 12% of individuals 65-69 were participating in the Canadian workforce – a number that more than doubled to nearly 26% in 2013.1 Supporting the participation of older Canadians in the workforce derives many benefits for Canada as whole, including stemming the premature loss of experienced, skilled and knowledgeable workers; further supporting intergenerational knowledge exchange; and driving the overall economic productivity of the country. Indeed, from a macroeconomic perspective, the continued and sustained participation of older Canadians in the workforce beyond the traditional age of retirement may go some way to curtail the some of the negative predicted economic effects of a rapidly growing cohort of boomers who are getting set to retire.2